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La propaganda oscura y la fábrica de las opiniones de base
Jean-Léon Beauvois
La «fábrica» de la opinión a través de las propagandas mediáticas es una historia tan vieja como el mundo. Son muchos quienes pueden sostener argumentos, o incluso cifras, para demostrar cómo se modelan determinadas opiniones de los
ciudadanos, sobre todo mediante la desinformación o mal-información. Sin embargo, se han estudiado poco los procesos de influencia inconsciente que desencadenan los medios de comunicación para «fabricar» un núcleo de opiniones
de base, muy a menudo no argumentadas. Sólo el pluralismo de opiniones en los medios puede evitar los sesgos creados por estos procesos.
La idea de que la opinión de los ciudadanos puede fabricarse no es nueva. Desde principios del siglo XX el presidente Wilson, presidente de los Estados Unidos, recurrió a un grupo de publicistas, el comité Creel, para «fabricar» una opinión
entre la población estadounidense: la opinión a favor de la entrada de los Estados Unidos en la I Guerra Mundial (los estadounidenses estaban en contra de la intervención americana). George Creel narrará la acción de este comité en un conocido libro publicado en 1920 (How we advertised america, lo que puedo traducir conceptualmente por Cómo cambiamos la opinión de América gracias a la publicidad). Y fue un miembro de este comité Creel, el politólogo Walter
Lippman, quien elaborará una de las ideas esenciales de una teoría de la propaganda moderna que va a alejarse de los antiguos modelos de predicación y adoctrinamiento. Para Lippman (el libro que aquí evoco data de 1922), el
ciudadano americano ya no forja sus opiniones en su entorno interpersonal, en sus grupos de proximidad (como la familia, el barrio, las relaciones de trabajo). Está aislado en una burbuja urbana que le conduce a tomar sus opiniones, saberes, informaciones... de esas fuentes distantes y no interactivas
que son los medios de comunicación. Y estos cumplen perfectamente con esta función al proporcionar al ciudadano lo que Lippman llama, en ese mismo libro de 1922, un «pseudo-entorno».
Es mediante la creación de ese pseudo-entorno cognitivo como los medios van a influir a partir de entonces sobre la opinión pública y lo harán conduciendo a los ciudadanos a aceptar las grandes directrices y políticas que se les proponga. Por otra parte, es el mismo Lippman quien también definirá más tarde la propaganda con una expresión que pasará a la posteridad, ya que Chomsky y Herman la retomarán en el título de su magnífico libro sobre la propaganda de 1988: Manufacturing consent, en inglés, «fabricar consentimiento».
La edición en castellano optará por Los guardianes de la
libertad y la francesa por La fabrique de l’opinion publique, expresión prácticamente idéntica a la de Halimi y Vidal: L’opinion, ça se travaille (2002).
¿Cómo se trabaja la opinión? Monopolio de la argumentación y desinformación. No será aquí exhaustivo. Existen muchas formas de trabajar la opinión y de crear un «pseudo-entorno cognitivo» de los ciudadanos. Algunas son perfectamente
democráticas; otras, perfectamente antidemocráticas. Evitaré evocar las mistificaciones, engaños y trucajes que resultan sencillamente inmorales. Los medios pueden multiplicar el alcance que éstos tienen sobre la opinión, pero en
general no los engendran ellos mismos (tomemos por ejemplo el derribo de la estatua de Saddam Hussein en la plaza Fardous: un trucaje de las psyops con efectos multiplicados por los medios).
¡Me encantaría decir que entre las formas democráticas de trabajar la opinión está la persuasión por argumentación y contraargumentación! Todos los teóricos de la democracia hacen del debate público el motor por excelencia de los cambios de opinión que conducen a la renovación de las políticas. Los griegos, que formaban a sus ciudadanos en la argumentación mediante ese estudio del arte del discurso que es la retórica, ya consideraban al debate como el método
democrático por excelencia. Sin embargo, la argumentación puede inscribirse en una labor de persuasión verdaderamente antidemocrática sobre la opinión cuando determinadas tendencias (a veces incluso una sola tendencia) alcanzan el
monopolio sobre los medios, como quedó de manifiesto durante el referéndum sobre tratado constitucional europeo en Francia.
Quedó entonces patente que Francia había dejado de ser el escenario de un debate democrático, si es que alguna vez
lo había sido. Los defensores de cada tendencia, justo porque tienen el monopolio de la argumentación, pueden pretender, aunque sólo representan a una opinión minoritaria, que deben hacer y que hacen una labor «pedagógica», de «explicación» a unos ciudadanos que suponen mal informados y cuya única palabra sigue siendo el voto. Recordaré al insolente Bernard Guetta (L’Express y France Inter) que se indignaba ante la idea de que hacía «propaganda» para defender que él lo único que hacía era argumentar. «Explicaba» el tratado a esos pánfilos gruñones que querían el no. Esta práctica, repito que verdaderamente antidemocrática, halla en la Francia actual, en donde el distanciamiento de lo político recubre un distanciamiento sociológico, un terreno especialmente
propicio, ya que la argumentación se identifica con la racionalidad de la France d’en haut que debe soportar los humores de la France d’en bas (he desarrollado este punto de vista en Les Illusions Libérales, individualisme et pouvoir
social). Remito a quien le interese a las excelentes emisiones de Las-bàs si j’y suis (sobre todo a los de los miércoles y jueves 18 y 19 de mayo de ese año, sutilmente tituladas «OUI,OUI,OUI,OUI,OUI... non»). Remitiré también a los artículos de Serge Halimi en Le Monde Diplomatique (sobre todo: Médias en tenue de campagne européenne ; Los medios hacen campaña en su edición española, mayo de 2005). Lo que resulta completamente asombroso es que pese a los análisis
públicos realizados sobre este monopolio de la argumentación a favor del «sí» durante la campaña, los medios implicados hayan continuado con su parcialidad con toda tranquilidad.
¡Cuestión de pedagogía!
La desinformación no es la argumentación. Me limitaré aquí a la desinformación sin mentira, ya que, como todo el mundo sabe, los periodistas y tertulianos siguen una deontología.
Esta desinformación consiste en presentar a los ciudadanos sólo las informaciones que apoyan un punto de vista y en no presentar las informaciones que apoyan otros puntos de vista. Me gusta bastante el ejemplo dado por Chomsky y Herman: en la misma época en la que se asesinó en Polonia al padre Popieluzsko, algo de lo que se informó diariamente a todos los franceses, ¿cuántos periodistas hablaron del asesinato en América Latina de un centenar de religiosos por las milicias pro estadounidenses? Incluso es probable que el propio lector recuerde numerosos ejemplos de desinformación. Recuérdese la forma en la que se presentaron las reacciones de los usuarios durante las huelgas de finales de 1995. Recuérdese también la forma en la que se habló (ya no se habla mucho) del proceso de Milosevic en La Haya. Los periodistas enseguida se
concentraba en los crímenes incriminados al presidente serbio en el acta de acusación e igual de rápido nos arroban el relato de la defensa, sin embargo bien preparada, del inculpado, ya pre-condenado. No creo que resulte demasiado
útil detenerse ante estas desinformaciones: todos los que manifiestan una opinión diferente del pensamiento dominante (no digo mayoritario) son sensibles a ellas y las denuncian bastante a menudo, igual que denuncian el monopolio de
la argumentación, sin ser escuchados o retomados. Remitiré aquí a los análisis de Halimi y Vidal en su excelente L’opinion, ça se travaille, de Éditions Agone.
Resulta evidente que estas desinformaciones crean el pseudo-entorno cognitivo indispensable a la rectitud de las opiniones ¿Cómo se trabaja la opinión? Las influencias inconscientes y la ausencia de debate.
Llegados a esta parte, me centraré sobre todo en lo más específico de mi enfoque personal, que es el de un psicólogo social. Y lo haré encantado, ya que sé que los fenómenos que evocaré suelen cautivar al público pese a su escaso eco en los medios de comunicación, que deben presentar (de nuevo a causa del pensamiento único) una imagen del hombre que integra bastante mal unos fenómenos semejantes.
Mi argumento será el siguiente: la fábrica de la opinión puede realizarse mediante procesos de influencia inconscientes. Para aceptar esta proposición, hay que aceptar dos ideas muy cercanas una de otra. La primera es que podemos
vernos afectados por (o ser sensibles a) eventos del entorno a los que no prestamos atención o que no percibimos, pero que aun así son examinados por nuestra máquina cognitiva. En cierta forma son eventos que actúan con disimulo.
Sobre esta idea reposa la llamada influencia subliminal. Me replicarán que el uso de técnicas subliminales está prohibido por la ley. A lo que responderé en primer lugar, que tan sólo está prohibido en la publicidad. Y responderé sobre
todo que la ley se ciñe al estricto subliminal (presentación demasiado rápida como para ser percibida) pese a que los elementos duraderos del entorno pero que sencillamente no nos llaman la atención (y de los que ni siquiera nos acordamos)
pueden tener el mismo efecto. Pienso, por ejemplo, al logo de una marca sobre una camiseta deportiva.
La segunda idea es que existen procesos de conocimiento que no pasan por la deliberación personal, de los que no tenemos consciencia y que, por así decir, no controlamos. Para explicarme querría dar un ejemplo bastante simple. Imaginen que les pido que lean con atención una lista de palabras entre las que se encuentra la palabra «aventurado». Imaginen también que los conceptos que emplean para comprender el mundo se organizan en «pilas», los unos sobre los otros, en cierta forma. La palabra aventurado, como acaban de
leerla y de comprenderla (diremos: de analizarla), pasa a la parte superior de la pila en la que se encuentra, pero evidentemente ustedes no se dan cuenta de nada. Luego nos separamos y ustedes se encuentran con un conocido, Serge, a
quien no habían visto desde hace años. Dice que está pensando en volver al alpinismo, que dejó hace 15 años, y en hacer en solitario y en invierno, para recuperar la forma, la cara norte del Eiger. Podrían decirse: está loco, es un inconsciente... Pero tienen más posibilidades de pensar que Serge es una persona aventurada. ¿Por qué? Porque normalmente, para hallar un concepto que permita comprender el mundo, empezamos por la parte superior de las pilas de conceptos que tenemos en nuestra mente. Y aventurado acaba de pasar a la parte superior de la pila. Así que puede que piensen que Serge es un tipo formidable, lo que no sucedería si le hubieran tomado por un «loco» o «inconsciente», Puedo afirmar esto porque con otras personas la lista leída no contenía la palabra aventurado sino la palabra inconsciente.
Y porque luego puedo comparar el efecto de las dos listas sobre la percepción de Serge. Esto es lo que llamamos experimentar. He aquí un proceso, el llamado proceso de cebo, que ha sido objeto de cientos de investigaciones y publicaciones. Las personas informadas, que han leído esas
publicaciones, no contestan su veracidad. Es un proceso bastante sencillo (¡reconozco que mi forma de presentarlo es algo tosca!) que se ha desarrollado «en vuestra cabeza» sin que hayáis sido conscientes de él y sin que pudierais
controlarlo. La presentación de una palabra, de un concepto, provoca que el uso de ese concepto se vuelva más probable a partir de ese momento. Existen varios fenómenos que, como el del cebo, son inconscientes, poco controlables y que
escapan a la deliberación consciente. Son ideales para el modelado de la opinión pública a largo plazo. Tomemos el caso que los psicólogos llaman de condicionamiento evaluativo. Cincuenta años, al menos, de investigaciones. En las primeras, durante los años 50, estudiantes ligados a la investigación veían en una pantalla una especie de tarjetas de visita que llevaban un nombre, pongamos Tom o Jim. El fondo de la tarjeta de visita estaba elaborado con
palabras entrelazadas en las que los estudiantes no se fijaban: no las recordaban cuando se les preguntaba sobre ello. De hecho, tan sólo tenían que leer el nombre y recordar ese nombre. En un caso, digamos con Tom, las palabras
entrelazadas eran poco agradables (accidente, cadáver, guerra...); en el otro caso, con Jim, eran palabras que evocaban cosas especialmente alegres (fiesta, regalo, amor...). Cuando dejaban la sala, los estudiantes se encontraban con un desconocido. Cuando este desconocido decía llamarse Tom le encontraban más bien antipático y cuando decía llamarse Jim, más bien simpático. He ahí un buen
condicionamiento evaluativo: en el contexto de presentación de una palabra, o de un objeto, o de un concepto... hay algo sistemáticamente positivo o sistemáticamente negativo. La palabra, o el objeto, o el concepto... recogen, en cierta forma, algo de ese valor, por simple asociación inconsciente.
Desde esas primeras experimentaciones, esos efectos se han reproducido con regularidad. Evidentemente, son aceptados por los científicos, aunque ningún periodista científico vaya a ponerse a hablar de ellos mañana. Podría tomar otros ejemplos
de procesos inconscientes, pero aquí me limitaré a este condicionamiento.
Imaginen ustedes los efectos que pueden tener ciertos condicionamientos evaluativos sobre la opinión. Señalaré varias estructuras de condicionamiento evaluativo que tan sólo se pueden detectar cuando se dispone del concepto.
Piensen, por ejemplo, en un concepto (o en un personaje) X (un concepto que debemos promover; Europa, economía de mercado, iniciativa individual...) que los periodistas evocan durante años y que, siempre que pueden, lo hacen con una gran
sonrisa y con alegría («lo que demuestra», tono alegre, «que ¡necesitamos más Europa!»). Un concepto (o un personaje) X que pronuncian dando dinamismo a la entonación. Piensen, por contra, en un concepto (o personaje) Y (concepto que hay que desacreditar: funcionarios, corporativismo, reivindicaciones) que los periodistas evocan durante años y, siempre que pueden, haciendo una mueca de claro desagrado y con un tono bastante triste. Piensen a ciertas asociaciones verbales que implican un concepto peyorativo y un concepto que conviene
desacreditar en la opinión (o un concepto positivo y un concepto que debe promoverse), asociaciones que pueden mantenerse durante años sobre las antenas y en las pantallas (por ejemplo, funcionarios y ventajas). Piensen en las
opiniones que expresan los héroes simpáticos (o con éxito en la sociedad y/o en el amor) en las películas y las series televisivas (opiniones liberales, individualistas) y en las opiniones que expresan los héroes antipáticos o que
fracasan en la sociedad o en el amor... El telespectador se ve confrontado una y otra vez a una asociación entre ciertas creencias y una activación de la simpatía o entre otras creencias y una activación de la antipatía.
Evidentemente, no hablo de las películas de autor que puedan pasar de madrugada.Estoy hablando de las series y de las películas confeccionadas precisamente para las masas. El mismo lector encontrará ejemplos que manifiestan esta forma suave de propaganda que activa procesos de influencia inconsciente.
Junto a mi amigo Claude Rainaudi, la hemos llamado propaganda oscura4. No pretendo que estos procesos vayan a «crear» las opiniones de las que hablamos. Pese a todo, nuestras democracias conservan algo de debate. Estos procesos de influencia inconsciente no pueden «fabricar» más que un núcleo central de la opinión pública. Y para ser eficaces necesitan disponer de tiempo. Pero recuerden que
los Estados Unidos han tardado más de cincuenta años en extender por el mundo los núcleos centrales del american way of life. Tanto ustedes como yo sabemos que las películas, las series y los anuncios han participado más en ello que los
discursos y diatribas inflamadas de Monsieur Madelaine5, y que lo han hecho sin argumentación. Digo «sin argumentación» porque la propaganda oscura es tanto más eficaz cuanto no se argumentan los núcleos que promueve en la opinión pública.
Incluso se puede pensar que perdería eficacia si se argumentaran (y por tanto, contrargumentaran) esos núcleos centrales. Y resulta increíble la cantidad de núcleos de base de la opinión de un telespectador que éste jamás ha oído
argumentar o contrargumentar. Tomemos el caso de mis estudiantes de Niza.
Reconocen (más del 85% en un estudio que yo mismo realicé a finales de los años 90) que NUNCA han presenciado un debate contradictorio sobre los siguientes conceptos, que por otra parte todos juzgan bastante gratos: derechos del hombre,
democracia, sufragio universal, elecciones libres, libertad de prensa (imaginen la alegría en el tono y la cara de Stéphane Paoli o Sophie Davant6 al pronunciar tales palabras). El 68% respondieron que nunca habían presenciado(o que no lo recordaban) un debate contradictorio sobre la economía de mercado, concepto que también era, para la gran mayoría de ellos, más bien grato. Cuando se les hace
hablar sobre esos conceptos (por escrito) y se analizan sus textos, la frase que mejor explica lo que pueden decir del tema es: «como entre nosotros» (o «como en Francia», «como en NUESTRAS democracias»...). Para «derechos humanos», por
ejemplo, las proposiciones, ideas o conceptos más frecuentes son «los respetamos», «China/Cuba/Irak... no los respetan» (¡la cara y el tono de Stéphane Paoli o Sophie Davant al hablar de Cuba!), «declaración» (piensan sobre todo en la de 1789; recuerdos de la escuela), libertad de pensamiento, libertad de expresión... y, con menos frecuencia, «derecho al trabajo», «derecho a la vivienda» (que 7 de cada 10 estudiantes luego interrogados creían que está en «la» declaración)... La impresión que desprenden las entrevistas orales es que creen que en algún lugar existiera una lista bien definida y no problemática de derechos, formando una jerarquía de evidencia, y que «nuestras» democracias
tienden a respetar esos derechos. Por muy simpáticos que sean estos estudiantes, resultan bastante curiosos como ciudadanos. Aunque más bien debería decir que resultan ser unos «verdaderos» telespectadores. Los conceptos que emplean por encima de todo han adquirido un valor o un desvalor (remitían a cosas guays o chungas) y, cuando se les preguntaba sobre ellas, el contenido que les daban se
adapta sencillamente a ese valor o desvalor. Ese contenido no es polémico. No puede serlo: no se dispone de argumentos a favor o de argumentos en contra con una eventual ventaja por los primeros o los segundos. Hay, sencillamente, conceptos simpáticos y conceptos antipáticos y ese valor o desvalor dirige hacia un contenido que no puede ser problemático, posiblemente polémico. Ése es el resultado típico de procesos de influencia inconsciente como el condicionamiento
evaluativo. Exactamente como la simpatía o antipatía por Tom o Jim. Sólo el condicionamiento hace que Tom parezca simpático. Ahora bien, si os pregunto por qué os parece simpático, seguro que encontraréis algo que decir.
Espero haber conseguido explicarme: no estoy, ah, no, en contra de los derechos humanos. Pero no me gusta nada el estatus que han adquirido, gracias a la propaganda oscura, en el pensamiento social común. No tengo nada contra los
principios democráticos, muy al contrario. Pero preferiría que su aplicación empírica hubiera conllevado debates, debates activos en la memoria de los ciudadanos cuando se les pide hablar, por ejemplo, de «elecciones libres», de
«libertad de prensa», de «economía de mercado»...
Y el pluralismo, ¡por favor!
Poco antes del referéndum sobre el proyecto constitucional en Francia, oí al excelente Serge Halimi decir que al final las propagandas siempre fracasan.
Quizás tenga razón cuando las propagandas actúan sobre opiniones que todavía pueden discutirse en el debate público que subsiste. Cuando quedan algunos argumentos y contrargumentos disponibles en la mente de cada cual. La escasa implantación de los argumentos del «sí» en la Francia d’en bas durante la campaña del referéndum del 29 de mayo, pese al insolente monopolio de la argumentación por el «sí» e incluso pese a varias desinformaciones, le da razón7. Pero sin embargo, podemos temer que la propaganda oscura, a largo plazo, sea siempre eficaz ;salvo cuando se topa con la argumentación y contrargumentación. Así pues, aunque ciertas proposiciones del liberalismo económico y, sobre todo, del neoliberalismo económico siguen siendo discutibles,
como afortunadamente hemos podido ver, la propaganda oscura ha instalado en nuestras mentes, sobre todo en las de los jóvenes que tienen a la tele por su principal educador, casi todos los correlatos culturales, psicológicos y psicológicos del liberalismo.
En consecuencia, deberíamos hostigar las verdades que se asumen como tales sin debatirse nunca. Aunque para que así fuera tendríamos que poder encontrar en los medios de comunicación periodistas, tertulianos y directores que dudasen de esas verdades. La influencia oscura no presupone ninguna deshonestidad flagrante por parte de los periodistas, tertulianos y directores. Tan sólo presupone una cosa:
que ellos mismos están dotados de opiniones o valores que van a diseminarse entre la gente. Así, no hacen más que transmitir sus convicciones sin necesidad de argumentarlas.
El liberalismo de la prensa y de los medios cumple a la
perfección con esta condición. La mayoría de los directores, grandes periodistas y tertulianos creen en lo que así transmiten. El problema para la democracia es que tienen todos el mismo corte y que se nutren de las mismas fuentes
financieras e ideológicas. Debemos pues soñar con una prensa libre y pluralista, luego necesariamente no liberal, que pudiera realizar procesos de influencia diversos e incluso contradictorios.
Fecha: 17/12/2008
Fuente: Rebelion.org
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