Miércoles 8 de Febrero de 2012
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Manipulación monopolística de los medios
Michael Parenti
En una “democracia” capitalista como EE.UU., los medios noticiosos corporativos reflejan fielmente la ideología de la clase dominante tanto en su información como en sus comentarios. Al mismo tiempo, esos medios dejan la impresión de que son libres e independientes, capaces de una cobertura equilibrada y de comentarios objetivos. El cómo logran esos objetivos aparentemente contradictorios pero legitimadores, es un asunto digno de estudio.
Hay personalidades en la industria de los medios que afirman que ocurren inexactitudes ocasionales en la cobertura noticiosa debido a errores inocentes y problemas cotidianos de producción como ser presiones por plazos de entrega, limitaciones presupuestarias, y la dificultad de reducir una historia compleja a un informe conciso. Además, ningún sistema de comunicación puede esperar que pueda informar sobre todo, de ahí que se requiere selectividad.
Sin duda, existen presiones y problemas semejantes y se cometen errores honestos, ¿pero explican realmente el rendimiento general de los medios? Es verdad que la prensa debe ser selectiva, ¿pero qué principio de selectividad está involucrado? Yo diría que usualmente el sesgo de los medios no ocurre al azar: más bien se mueve en direcciones más o menos coherentes, favoreciendo a la dirección por sobre la mano de obra, a las corporaciones por sobre los críticos de las corporaciones, a blancos pudientes por sobre minorías con bajos ingresos, al oficialismo por sobre los manifestantes, al monopolio bipartidista por sobre terceras partes izquierdistas, a la privatización y las “reformas” de libre mercado sobre el desarrollo del sector público, a la dominación del Tercer Mundo por EE.UU. por sobre el cambio social revolucionario o populista, y a los comentaristas y columnistas conservadores por sobre los progresistas o radicales.
Supresión por omisión
Algunos críticos se quejan de que la prensa es sensacionalista e invasiva. De hecho, más a menudo es sigilosa y evasiva. Más insidiosa que la exageración sensacionalista es la evasión artera. Historias verdaderamente sensacionales (contrariamente a sensacionalistas) son minimizadas o categóricamente evitadas. Algunas veces la supresión incluye no sólo detalles vitales sino toda la historia en sí, incluso algunas de gran importancia. Informes que pudieran dar una impresión negativa sobre el Estado de seguridad nacional son las que menos probabilidades tienen de ver la luz del día. Por lo tanto, nos hablan de la represión política perpetrada por gobiernos oficialmente denominados como “canallas,” pero la información sobre el asesinato brutal y la tortura practicados por las fuerzas sustitutas patrocinadas por EE.UU. en el Tercer Mundo, y otros crímenes cometidos por el Estado de seguridad nacional de EE.UU. no obtienen acceso a la información del público, y son suprimidas con una consecuencia que sería llamada “totalitaria” si ocurriera en algunos otros países.
Los medios minimizan historias de una magnitud trascendental. En 1965, los militares indonesios – asesorados, equipados, entrenados, y financiados por los militares de EE.UU. y la CIA – derrocaron al presidente Achmed Sukarno y erradicaron al Partido Comunista Indonesia y a sus aliados, asesinando a medio millón de personas (algunos cálculos llegan a un millón) en lo que constituyó el mayor acto de asesinato político masivo desde el Holocausto nazi. Los generales también destruyeron cientos de clínicas, bibliotecas, escuelas, y centros comunitarios que habían sido establecidos por los comunistas. Era una historia sensacional, como la que más, pero necesitó tres meses antes de que recibiera una mención pasajera en la revista Time y otro mes antes de que se informara al respecto en el New York Times (5 de abril de 1966), acompañada de un editorial que realmente elogiaba a los militares indonesios por “realizar correctamente su parte con extremo cuidado.”
Durante cuarenta años, la CIA se involucró con narcotraficantes en Italia, Francia, Córcega, Indochina, Afganistán, Centro y Sudamérica. Gran parte de esa actividad fue objeto de amplia investigación del Congreso – por el comité del senador Church y el comité del congresista Pike en los años setenta, y el comité del senador Kerry a fines de los años ochenta. Pero los medios capitalistas corporativos parecen no haberse enterado.
Atacar y destruir el objetivo
Cuando resulta que la omisión es un medio insuficiente de censura y una historia comienza de alguna manera a llegar a un público más amplio, la prensa pasa de la evasión artera al ataque frontal a fin de desacreditar la historia. En agosto de 1996, el San Jose Mercury News, basándose en una investigación de un año de duración, publicó una serie detallada sobre los embarques de crack de la CIA y la Contra que estaban inundando el este de Los Ángeles.
Como era de esperar, la mayoría de los principales medios ignoró el tema. Pero la serie del Mercury News detectada por algunos periódicos locales y regionales, fue pasada rápidamente al mundo por documentos y atestaciones pertinentes copiosamente suplementadas que apoyaban las acusaciones contra la CIA. Comunidades urbanas afro-estadounidenses afligidas por la epidemia del crack, protestaron y quisieron saber más. Se hizo difícil ignorar la historia. Por lo tanto, los medios dominantes iniciaron un ataque total. Una andanada de virulentos ataques en el Washington Post y en el New York Times, en las redes de televisión y en PBS [televisión pública] nos aseguraron que no existía evidencia de la participación de la CIA, que la serie de Mercury News era “mal periodismo,” y que su periodista investigativo Gary Webb contaba irresponsablemente con la credulidad del público y la manía conspirativa. Mediante un proceso de implacables ataques y una mendacidad desvergonzada, los medios dominantes exoneraron a la CIA de toda participación en el narcotráfico.
Uso arbitrario de etiquetas
Como todos los propagandistas, la gente de los medios dominantes trata de conformar de antemano nuestra percepción de un sujeto con una etiqueta positiva o negativa. Algunas positivas son: “estabilidad,” “el firme liderazgo del presidente,” “una enérgica defensa,” y “una economía sana.” Por cierto, no hay muchos estadounidenses que quisieran inestabilidad, un bamboleante liderazgo presidencial, una” defensa débil”, y “una economía enferma." La etiqueta define el tema sin tener que encarar los verdaderos detalles que podrían conducirnos a una conclusión diferente.
Algunas etiquetas negativas comunes son: “guerrillas izquierdistas,” “terroristas islámicos,” “teorías conspirativas,” “pandillas urbanas,” y “disturbios civiles.” Estas, también, son tratadas rara vez dentro de un contexto mayor de relaciones y problemas sociales. La propia prensa es etiquetada de forma superficial y falsa como “medios liberales” por los cientos de columnistas, comentaristas, y presentadores de talk-shows conservadores que abarrotan el universo de las comunicaciones, mientras afirman que son excluidos de éste. Algunas de las etiquetas que nunca veremos son “poder de clase,” “lucha de clases,” e “imperialismo de EE.UU.”
Un nuevo favorito entre las etiquetas engañadoras es “reforma,” cuyo significado es invertido, y es aplicado a toda política dedicada a deshacer las reformas que han sido logradas después de décadas de lucha popular. Así, por ejemplo, la destrucción de los programas de ayuda a la familia es etiquetada “reforma de la asistencia,” Reformas” en Europa Oriental, y más recientemente en Yugoslavia, han significado el empobrecimiento despiadado de antiguos países comunistas, el desmantelamiento de lo que quedaba de la economía pública, su desindustrialización y expropiación a precios de remate por una clase de inversionistas corporativos, junto con masivos despidos, drásticos recortes en la asistencia pública y los servicios humanos, y un dramático aumento en el desempleo y en el sufrimiento humano. Las “reformas del FMI” son un eufemismo para el mismo tipo de dolorosos recortes en todo el Tercer Mundo. Como señaló una vez Edward Herman las “reformas” no son la solución, son el problema.
En abril de 2001, el recién elegido primer ministro de Japón, Junichiro Koisumi, fue ampliamente identificado en los medios de EE.UU. como “reformador.” Sus “reformas” de libre mercado incluyeron la privatización del sistema postal de ahorros de Japón. Millones de japoneses tienen sus ahorros de toda la vida en el sistema postal y el “reformador” Koisumi quería que inversionistas privados pudieran aprovechar esos fondos.
“Libre mercado” ha sido desde hace tiempo una etiqueta favorita, evocando imágenes de plenitud económica y democracia. En realidad, las políticas de libre mercado socavan los mercados de los productores locales, suministran subsidios estatales a las corporaciones multinacionales, destruyen los servicios del sector público, y crean mayores brechas entre los pocos ricos y los muchos desamparados.
Otra etiqueta mediática favorita es “línea dura.” Cualquiera que se resiste a las “reformas” de libre mercado, sea en Belarús, Italia, Perú, o Yugoslavia, es clasificado como “partidario de la línea. Un artículo en el New York Times (21/10/97) utilizó once veces “línea dura” y “partidarios de la línea dura” para describir a los dirigentes bosnios serbios que se opusieron a intentos de las fuerzas de la OTAN por clausurar la “estación de radio bosnia serbia.” La estación de radio en cuestión era la única en toda Bosnia que ofrecía una perspectiva crítica de la intervención occidental en Yugoslavia. La clausura violenta de la única voz mediática disidente que quedaba fue descrita por el Times como “un paso para lograr una cobertura noticiosa responsable en Bosnia.” El artículo señaló “la ironía aparente” de utilizar soldados extranjeros para “silenciar transmisiones a fin de alentar la libertad de expresión.” Las tropas de la OTAN que realizaron esa tarea represiva fueron identificadas con la etiqueta positiva de “mantenedoras de la paz.”
No es por accidente que etiquetas como “línea dura” no son nunca objeto de una definición precisa. La eficacia de una etiqueta es que no tiene un contenido específico que pueda ser sometido a una prueba de evidencia. Mejor es que sea autorreferente, propaganda una imagen indefinida pero evocadora.
Conjetura preventiva
Los medios aceptan frecuentemente como hecho consumado la posición misma que debe que ser críticamente examinada. Cada vez que la Casa Blanca propone un aumento en los gastos militares, la discusión en la prensa se limita a ¿cuántos gastos más son necesarios?, ¿cuánta actualización del armamento?; ¿hacemos lo suficiente o tenemos que hacer aún más? No se presta ninguna atención mediática a los que cuestionan ardientemente el inmenso presupuesto armamentista en su totalidad. Se asume que las fuerzas de EE.UU. tienen que ser desplegadas en todo el mundo, y que cientos de miles de millones deben ser gastados en ese sistema militar global.
Lo mismo sucede con la discusión en los medios de la “reforma” de la Seguridad Social, un eufemismo para la privatización y eventual abolición de un programa que funciona bien. Los medios asumen preventivamente la posición muy dudosa que tiene que ser discutida; que el programa corre peligro de insolvencia (dentro de treinta años) y por ello necesita una revisión drástica hoy mismo. La Seguridad Social opera como un servicio humano a tres bandas: aparte de pensiones de jubilación, suministra seguro para sobrevivientes (hasta los 18 años) a niños en familias que han perdido su sostén económico, y ofrece ayuda de minusvalía a personas en edad anterior a la jubilación que han sufrido heridas o enfermedades graves. Pero no se llega a saber eso por la cobertura en la prensa – y la mayoría de los estadounidenses no lo sabe.
Transmisión literal
Muchas etiquetas no son fabricadas por los medios noticiosos sino por el oficialismo. Los dirigentes gubernamentales y corporativos de EE.UU. hablan de “nuestro liderazgo global,” “seguridad nacional,” “libres mercados,” y “globalización” cuando quieren decir “Todo el poder a las transnacionales.” Los medios aceptan sin cuestionar en nada y sumisamente esos puntos de vista oficiales, transmitiéndolos al público más amplio sin ningún comentario discernible sobre el contenido real de la política. La transmisión literal ha caracterizado el comportamiento de la prensa en casi todas las áreas de la política interior y exterior.
Cuando se les cuestiona al respecto, los periodistas responden que no pueden inyectar sus propios puntos de vista personales en sus informaciones. En realidad, nadie les pide que lo hagan. Mi crítica es que ya lo hacen, y que pocas veces se dan cuenta. Sus percepciones ideológicas convencionales coinciden usualmente con las de sus jefes y con el oficialismo en general, convirtiéndolos en proveedores literales de la ortodoxia prevaleciente. La uniformidad del sesgo es percibida como “objetividad.”
La alternativa al cuestionamiento de la transmisión literal es no editorializar sobre las noticias sino cuestionar las afirmaciones hechas por el oficialismo, considerar datos críticos que puedan dar credibilidad a un punto de vista alternativo. Un esfuerzo semejante no es una actividad editorial o ideológica sino empírica e investigadora, aunque no es usualmente tolerada en la prensa capitalista más allá de ciertos parámetros seguramente limitados.
Menosprecio del contenido
Hay que maravillarse de la manera como los medios noticiosos corporativos pueden otorgar tanto énfasis a eventos superficiales, al estilo y al procedimiento, y tan poco a temas sustantivos que están en juego. Un ejemplo manifiesto es como se informa sobre las elecciones. La campaña política es reducida a una carrera de caballos: ¿Quién corrió? ¿Quién será candidato? ¿Quién ganará la elección? Los comentaristas de noticias suenan como críticos de teatro mientras hablan en público sobre cómo este o ese candidato proyectó una imagen positiva, causó efectivamente una buena impresión, y tuvo buen contacto con el público. Otorgan poca atención a los temas reales, y pocas veces se oye algo que vaya más allá de la batahola superficial sobre el diálogo democrático que supuestamente debe acompañar una contienda para un cargo público.
Las informaciones sobre grandes huelgas – en las raras ocasiones en las que la prensa presta atención a las luchas sindicales – ofrecen un menosprecio similar del contenido, mientras se concentran fuertemente en los procedimientos. Se nos habla de cuantos días ha durado la huelga, la inconveniencia y el coste para el público y la economía, y cómo las negociaciones amenazan con romperse. Falta toda referencia a la sustancia del conflicto, a los agravios que impulsan a los trabajadores a recurrir de mala gana a la medida extrema de una huelga, como ser: recortes en salarios y prestaciones, pérdida de antigüedad, problemas de seguridad, o la falta de voluntad de la dirección para negociar un contrato.
Los expertos de los medios hablan a menudo del “cuadro general.” De hecho, su capacidad o disposición para vincular eventos y problemas inmediatos con las relaciones sociales en general es casi inexistente, y sus jefes tampoco tolerarían un análisis más amplio. Prefieren darnos regularmente el cuadro limitado, como manera de menospreciar el contenido y mantenerse dentro de fronteras políticamente seguras. Así, por ejemplo, informan sobre las numerosas manifestaciones contra acuerdos internacionales de libre comercio, comenzando con el NAFTA y GATT, cuando lo hacen, solo como competencias entre los manifestantes y la policía con poca referencia a los temas de soberanía democrática y de poder corporativo irresponsabilizable que motivan a los manifestantes.
Consideremos el modo como presentó la prensa la supresión de votos en Florida durante la campaña presidencial de 2000. Después de un recuento de votos por el Miami Herald y USA Today, que incluyó una visión limitada de lo que podía ser cuestionado, importantes medios en todo el país anunciaron que efectivamente Bush había ganado en Florida. Otras investigaciones indican que de ninguna manera fue así, pero no son publicadas en su mayoría. Además, la presentación en la prensa se ha concentrado casi exclusivamente en problemas relacionados con recuentos cuestionables, con gran discusión de “hoyuelos” y de los “chads” [restos de perforaciones]. Pero después, apenas se expresó una palabra sobre los votos que nunca fueron aceptados, y los miles de personas que fueron privadas de derechos por las artimañas represivas de funcionarios y agentes de policía de Florida. De nuevo, lo que obtuvimos fue el cuadro restringido (seguro): el que no cuestiona la legitimidad del proceso electoral y de las autoridades que lo dirigen.
Falso equilibrio
De acuerdo con los cánones del buen periodismo, se supone que la prensa utilice fuentes de información opuestas para obtener los dos lados de un tema. De hecho, rara vez se confiere la misma prominencia a ambos lados. Un estudio estableció que en NPR [radio pública], supuestamente el más liberal de los medios dominantes, a menudo entrevistan sólo a voceros de la derecha, mientras que los liberales – en las ocasiones menos frecuentes en las que aparecen – son siempre compensados con conservadores. Además, ambos lados de una historia no son usualmente todos los lados. Toda la porción izquierdista-progresista y radical del espectro de la opinión es amputada del cuerpo político visible.
El falso equilibrio fue evidente en un informe de BBC Mundo (11 de diciembre de 1997) que habló de “una historia de violencia entre fuerzas indonesias y guerrillas timoresas” – sin un solo indicio de que las guerrillas estaban luchando por sus vidas contra una fuerza de invasión indonesia que había masacrado a unos 200.000 timoreses. En lugar de hacerlo, se hizo aparecer la invasión genocida de Timor Oriental como un ajuste de cuentas, con “asesinatos por ambos lados.” Al imponer un barniz neutralizador, el anunciador de la BBC introdujo una seria distorsión.
Las guerras apoyadas por EE.UU. en Guatemala y El Salvador durante los años ochenta fueron tratadas a menudo con el mismo tipo de falso equilibrio. Los que quemaban aldeas y aquellos cuyas aldeas eran quemadas fueron presentados como involucrados por igual en un derramamiento de sangre contencioso. Aunque aparentaban ser objetivos y neutrales, en realidad neutralizaban el contenido y al hacerlo lo deformaban drásticamente.
Aversión al seguimiento
Al ser enfrentados con una reacción inesperadamente disidente, los anfitriones de los medios cambian rápidamente de tema, o interrumpen para un comercial, o inyectan un anuncio identificador: “Hablamos con [quien sea].” El propósito es evitar ir más lejos en un tema políticamente prohibido no importa en qué medida pueda parecer que la reacción inesperada necesite una indagación de seguimiento. Una presentadora de BBC Mundo (26 de diciembre de 1997) se entusiasmó al decir: “Navidad en Cuba: ¡Por primera vez en casi cuarenta años, los cubanos pudieron celebrar Navidad e ir a la iglesia!” Luego se conectó con el corresponsal de la BBC en La Habana, quien observó: “Una multitud de dos mil personas se ha reunido en la catedral para la misa de medianoche. Todo el asunto es de bastante poco perfil, muy parecido al del año pasado.” ¿Muy parecido al año pasado? Era algo que clamaba por ser aclarado. En su lugar, la presentadora pasó rápidamente a otra pregunta: “¿Podemos esperar un aumento de la libertad con la visita del papa?”
En un talk show de PBS (22 de enero de 1998), el presentador Charlie Rose preguntó a un invitado, cuyo nombre no registré, si Castro estaba amargado por “el fracaso histórico del comunismo.” No, respondió el invitado, Castro está orgulloso de lo que cree que el comunismo ha hecho por Cuba: adelantos en la atención sanitaria y en la educación, pleno empleo, y la eliminación de los peores aspectos de la pobreza. Rose lo miró con una mirada furiosa, y se volvió hacia otro invitado para preguntar: “¿Qué impacto tendrá la visita del papa en Cuba?” Rose ignoró al invitado descarriado por el resto del programa.
Encuadre
La propaganda más efectiva se basa en el encuadre más que en la falsedad. Al torcer la verdad más que al violarla, utilizando el énfasis y otros aderezos auxiliares, los comunicadores pueden crear una impresión deseada sin recurrir a la propugnación explícita, y sin apartarse demasiado de la apariencia de la objetividad. El encuadre es logrado mediante la forma en la que son empaquetadas las noticias, el monto de exposición, la colocación (primera plana o entierro en el interior, principal o último artículo), el tono de presentación (actitud abierta o despectiva), los titulares y fotografías y, en el caso de los medios audiovisuales, los efectos visuales y auditivos.
Los presentadores son utilizados como aderezos auxiliares. Cultivan un estilo refinado y tratan de transmitir una impresión de distancia que los coloca por sobre lo áspero y turbulento de su tema. Los comentaristas de la televisión y los editorialistas y columnistas de los periódicos afectan un tono sabedor destinado a potenciar la credibilidad, y un aura de certitud, o lo que podría ser llamado “ignorancia fidedigna,” que se expresa en observaciones como “¿Cómo terminará esta situación? Sólo el tiempo lo dirá.” O: “Nadie puede decirlo con seguridad.” Perogrulladas banales son encajadas como verdades incisivas. Los presentadores aprenden a crear frases como “A menos que la huelga sea solucionada pronto, a los dos lados los espera una lucha larga y amarga.” Y “El lanzamiento espacial tendrá lugar tal como ha sido programado si no surgen problemas inesperados.” Y “A menos que el Congreso actúe pronto, no es probable que el proyecto de ley llegue a alguna parte.” Cosas que pasan.
Se informa sobre muchas cosas en las noticias, pero pocas son explicadas. Se dice poco sobre cómo está organizado el orden social y con qué intenciones. En su lugar se nos deja para que percibamos el mundo como lo hacen los expertos de los medios dominantes, como una dispersión de eventos y personajes impulsados por la casualidad, las circunstancias, intensiones confusas, operaciones estropeadas, y la ambición individual – pocas veces por poderosos intereses de clase. La voz pasiva y el tema impersonal son esenciales constructos para este modo de evasión. Por lo tanto leemos o escuchamos que “combates estallaron en la región,” o “mucha gente fue muerta en los disturbios,” o “el hambre aumenta.” Parece que las recesiones simplemente ocurren como algún fenómeno natural (“nuestra economía está en crisis.”), que tiene poco que ver con la constante guerra del capital contra la fuerza laboral y con las contradicciones entre el poder productivo y el poder de ganancia.
Si hemos de creer a los medios, son cosas que pasan. Consideremos: “globalización,” una etiqueta favorita que la prensa presenta como un desarrollo natural e inevitable. De hecho, la globalización es una argucia deliberada de intereses multinacionales para socavar la soberanía nacional en todo el mundo. Los acuerdos internacionales de “libre comercio” establecen consejos internacionales de comercio que no son elegidos por nadie, que no responden ante nadie, que operan en secreto limitaciones por la existencia de conflictos de intereses, y con el poder para invalidar prácticamente todas las leyes laborales, de consumo y del entorno, y todos los servicios públicos y regulaciones en todas las naciones signatarias. Lo que realmente vivimos con GATT, NAFTA, FTAA, GATS y la OMC es la desglobalización, una concentración cada vez mayor de poder político-económico en manos de una clase de inversionistas internacionales, un golpe de estado global que despoja a los pueblos del mundo de cualquier asomo de participación democrática protectora.
En consonancia con el paradigma liberal, los medios nunca preguntan por qué pasan las cosas. Los problemas sociales son asociados pocas veces con las fuerzas político-económicas que los crean. Así que se nos enseña que trunquemos nuestro propio pensamiento crítico. Imaginad si intentáramos algo diferente. Suponed que informemos, como pocas veces se informa, que las condiciones laborales de dura explotación que existen en tantos países tienen generalmente el respaldo de sus respectivas fuerzas militares. Suponed además que crucemos otra línea y señalemos que esas fuerzas militares derechistas cuentan con el pleno apoyo del Estado de seguridad nacional EE.UU. Luego suponed que crucemos la línea más seria de todas y en lugar de sólo deplorar ese hecho preguntemos también por qué sucesivos gobiernos de EE.UU. se han involucrado en tan ingratas actividades en todo el mundo. Suponed que concluyamos que todo el fenómeno es coherente con una dedicación a asegurar el mundo para el capitalismo corporativo de libre mercado, medida según el tipo de países que reciben ayuda y los que son atacados. Es casi seguro que un análisis semejante no sería reproducido en ninguna parte excepto en algunas publicaciones radicales seleccionadas. Cruzamos demasiadas líneas. Porque tratamos de explicar la situación concreta en términos de un conjunto más amplio de relaciones sociales (poder corporativo de clase), nuestra presentación sería rechazada sin más como “marxista” – y por cierto lo es, como es gran parte de la realidad en sí.
En suma, el funcionamiento diario de los medios noticiosos bajo lo que llaman “capitalismo democrático” no es un fracaso sino un hábil éxito evasivo. A menudo escuchamos que la prensa “se equivocó” o “perdió una oportunidad” en esta o aquella historia.
De hecho, los medios cumplen con su tarea de un modo extraordinariamente bueno. Los de los medios tienen una incapacidad entrenada para la verdad integral. Su tarea no es informar sino desinformar, no es fomentar el discurso democrático sino diluirlo y silenciarlo. Su tarea es aparentar en todo que se preocupan conscientemente por los eventos del día, diciendo tanto cuando quieren decir tan poco, ofreciendo tantas calorías con tan pocos nutrientes. Si comprendemos eso, pasamos de una queja liberal sobre el funcionamiento descuidado de la prensa a un análisis radical de cómo los medios mantienen el paradigma dominante con tanta habilidad y malas mañas.
Fecha: 29/10/2008
Fuente: Rebelión
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